The Trump Presidency Timeline

U.S. District Judge Aileen Cannon — the Mar-a-Lago HOA’s favorite federal employee — has now formally declared that the American public is not allowed to see what former Special Counsel Jack Smith dug up about Donald Trump hoarding classified documents in his country club bathroom. Cannon blocked the release of Smith’s report, arguing it can’t leave the Justice Department because, according to her, Smith’s appointment was unlawful and the AG’s internal deliberations are just too delicate for democracy.

Recall that Cannon already tossed the entire classified documents case in 2024 by deciding that the special counsel role suddenly violated the Constitution once it inconvenienced the guy who gave her the robe. An appeals court had previously smacked her down for “improperly” grabbing jurisdiction in the Mar-a-Lago search, but she’s back at it, now using a protective order to keep discovery materials — and the report built on them — locked away from both the public and Congress. Transparency is for losers; Trump gets judicial non-disclosure agreements.

Smith told lawmakers in a closed-door session that his team had “powerful evidence” Trump willfully kept highly classified documents after leaving office, stashing them among the golf tees and wedding centerpieces, and then repeatedly tried to obstruct justice when the FBI came calling. So naturally, Cannon ruled that it’s “not customary” to release a report with all that evidence after a case is dismissed — a dismissal she engineered by declaring the prosecutor himself illegitimate. It’s a neat little circle: Trump gets his judge, the judge kills the case, then uses the dead body as proof that no autopsy is allowed.

For extra protection, Cannon had already barred DOJ from even sending the report to select members of Congress in January 2025, just as Trump was sliding back into the Oval Office. The result: a sitting president accused of willfully retaining classified documents and obstructing justice, shielded from public scrutiny by a judge whose opinions are “extraordinarily deferential” to him. Checks and balances have been replaced by one simple standard: if it hurts Trump, it’s unconstitutional.

Trump’s second-term FBI purge is apparently the gift that keeps on giving. David Sundberg, the former head of the FBI’s Washington field office who was dumped just days after Trump retook office, is now running for Congress in Maryland. His alleged crime? Doing his job and not letting MAGA politics rewrite federal investigations like they’re Truth Social posts.

Sundberg’s platform is basically: remember the Constitution? He says he was forced out for refusing to let politics corrupt justice, and now he’s running because he believes in the rule of law, not the rule of one man. Bold concept in 2026. He’s also calling out the White House for weaponizing the DOJ to go after Trump’s enemies list — James Comey, Letitia James, John Bolton — while using the National Guard as a domestic intimidation squad. You know, the kind of stuff we used to point at in other countries and call authoritarian.

This is the guy who ran the Jan. 6 investigation, the pipe bomb probe, counterterrorism, SWAT, hostage rescue — basically the sort of résumé you’d want in government if you weren’t trying to turn it into a personal protection racket for Donald J. Trump. Now he’s trying to get into Congress to make it a co-equal branch of government again, which is a polite way of saying: maybe the legislature should stop acting like Trump’s HOA board and start acting like it read Article I.

Meanwhile, the race to replace Steny Hoyer features a retiring party leader’s chosen successor, a former Capitol Police officer who faced the mob Trump unleashed, and now the FBI official Trump fired after he investigated that same mob. The 5th District ballot is starting to look less like a primary and more like a support group for people who’ve personally experienced what happens when you let an aspiring autocrat treat federal power like a family business.

The CIA has announced it will retract or heavily edit 19 intelligence reports after a review by the President’s Intelligence Advisory Board — a body now stacked with Trump loyalists like Devin Nunes, Reince Priebus, Brad Wenstrup, and Katie Miller (yes, the Stephen Miller one). CIA Director and Trump appointee John Ratcliffe swears this is all about protecting the agency from bias, which is a bold claim from a crew that treats objective reality like a hostile foreign power.

The offending reports? Analyses on white supremacist women being radicalized, global contraceptive shortages harming economic development, and LGBT activists under pressure in the Middle East and North Africa. So the Trump-era standard for "tradecraft" appears to be: if it makes right-wing culture warriors uncomfortable, it clearly fails the analytic rigor test. The agency insists this purge is just about meeting "the President’s expectations" that the workforce remain independent of any agenda — by obeying his agenda.

Sen. Mark Warner politely called this what it is: politicization of intelligence. Sen. Tom Cotton, meanwhile, applauded the move, accusing Obama and Biden of mixing politics and intelligence, while cheering on a board of hyperpartisan Trump picks literally rewriting the historical record. The intelligence community is supposedly being rescued from bias by the same people who think climate change is a hoax and that the deep state lives under their bed. What could possibly go wrong when national security analysis is run through a MAGA vibes-check?

The Supreme Court has finally looked at Trump’s "everything is an emergency if I say so" tariff regime and decided: actually, no, the president does not get to run the global economy like a casino he’s already bankrupted. In a 6-3 opinion written by Chief Justice John Roberts, the Court ruled that Trump’s use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to slap massive, wildly fluctuating tariffs on imports is unconstitutional. That’s Trump’s signature economic policy, vaporized — and not even on the shadow docket this time.

Trump had jacked tariffs to at least 10% on most imports, up to 145% for China, and 25–35% on supposed "allies" like Canada and Mexico, because nothing says strategic genius like declaring trade war on maple syrup. Businesses, somehow unthrilled by having their supply chains tied to the president’s mood ring, sued, arguing he’d blown past his legal authority. After years of rubber-stamping Trump’s power grabs on the emergency docket, the justices finally took a real case, did full briefing, and told him no. Roberts plus five others sided with the Constitution; Thomas, Alito, and Kavanaugh dissented, presumably from an alternate universe where "emergency powers" means "whatever the guy with the loudest rally crowd wants."

The upshot: Trump’s trade policy — a chaotic protectionist cosplay justified by perpetual "emergency" — just hit a constitutional wall. The Court, which has spent years enabling his authoritarian cosplay, has now drawn at least one line: you don’t get to rewrite global trade law by executive order and call it Tuesday. Whether this slows the broader project of turning emergency powers into a permanent presidential cheat code is unclear, but for today, the imperial presidency took a rare loss.